FORGE CLOSER UNITY WITH PEASANTS’ ARMED STRUGGLE

-RESPECTED LEADER COMRADE CHARU MAZUMDAR

[August 5, 1970, Published in Liberation – August 1970, Volume 3 No. 10]

For the last few months the students and youths of Calcutta and West Bengal have declared war against Gandhi and bourgeois leaders and have been celebrating a festival – the festival of idol-smashing. They have launched their attack on colonial educational system:  undaunted by repression, they are spreading the flames of their struggle throughout West Bengal. What the students and youths are doing is without any shadow of doubt, just and proper; for, no revolutionary educational system and culture can be created in India without destroying the colonial educational system and without demolishing the images raised by the comprador bourgeoisie.

The people of India fought to overthrow British rule; many heroes laid down their lives in the course of the struggle. But they have not been depicted as models, their images have not been installed; on the contrary, it is those who have served and defended the interests of imperialism who are held up before the students and the people as models and whose images have been built. That is why those who accuse the students and youths of waging war against the national tradition are in reality singing hymns in praise of the tradition created by imperialism’s lackeys. A genuinely patriotic, revolutionary India cannot be built unless the images of these lackeys are swept away. That is why these deeds of the students and youths are, without doubt, revolutionary deeds and are, without doubt, preparing the path of India’s progress.

But this struggle waged by the students and youths is no isolated struggle nor a struggle that is complete in itself. Unlike the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China, this struggle is not aimed at demolishing the entire cultural superstructure nor can it be carried forward to that stage. This struggle is taking place because the armed agrarian revolution has emerged as a real fact in this state of West Bengal. The base is crumbling under the blows of the peasants’ armed revolutionary struggle; as a result, the superstructure too is and shall be pounded by blows.
The very process of smashing the base inspires this attack on the superstructure; this attack on the superstructure in its turn accentuates that process. It is the call of this agrarian revolution which has made the students and youths restive and they are directing their attacks against the images of those persons who have ever tried to put out the flames of armed revolution of the peasant masses by preaching the message of peace and reforms. That is why this struggle of the students and youths is part of the armed peasant struggle.

During the last few months, peasant guerrillas have annihilated about one hundred and flfty class enemies in different parts of West Bengal; thousands of poor and landless peasants have joined guerrilla squads, gone underground leaving their homes, initiated themselves in the ideal of self
sacrifice, taken the pledge to carry the revolution through to victory and have been trying to grasp Mao Tse-tung’s Thought. These thousands of revolutionary poor and landless peasants have not merely been able to save themselves by relying on millions of other peasants but are also launching their attacks on the enemies and destroying them. Refusing to be daunted by all the repressive measures of the enemies, these valiant revolutionaries are carrying the class struggle forward day after day and are spreading the flames of the struggle to newer and newer areas. They themselves have grasped the importance of the seizure of political power by armed force and are making other peasants realize it. As a result, the uneducated, ignorant, poor and landless peasants are today educated in the highest of all teachings and have emerged as the most advanced section, as the vanguard, of the people of West Bengal. It is this that marks the beginning of a new age. Never before has India seen such revolutionaries who have renounced all for the cause of revolution. All these revolutionaries making every sacrifice provide eloquent proof of the fact that one can love the people of the country by giving up all in this manner. Their struggle is rousing not only the people in the countryside but also the revolutionaries in urban areas. The revolutionary students and youths have responded as it contingent of the revolutionary masses: they are smashing into pieces every prop of reactionary ideology.

The revolutionary struggle of the peasantry has inspired not only the masses of students and youths but also the masses of workers. The working class is celebrating the festival of hoisting the Red Flag on the top of factories; the panic that has gripped the exploiting class is a matter of
enjoyment to them, they are enjoying the helplessness of the police and the military. Students, youths and workers of the towns and cities refuse to submit quietly to the oppression by the police and the military; they are launching attacks on the police, they are annihilating police officers. The ruling class is powerless to stem the tide of this struggle however ruthless they may be in the urban areas. For, the source from which the tide of this struggle rises, is the revolutionary upsurge of the armed peasantry in the countryside. Neither the Indian government nor any other government in the world can suppress this revolutionary struggle in the rural areas; for, Chairman Mao’s Thought has today entered deep into the minds of West Bengal’s peasant masses. According to the inexorable laws of history, this struggle will suffer temporary set-back in certain areas and the struggle will seem to have ebbed away. Again, according to the laws of history, newer and newer men will enter the arena of struggle and a new high tide will set in. Today, the Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) has been founded: this Party is a revolutionary Party. So long as this Party exists, revolutionary struggle will continue, revolution will forge ahead. This is not the worship of spontaneity, this is the law of history.

Today, the peasant, exploited and oppressed for thousands of years, has found out the road to liberation: he has tasted power. The man who has always been despised in history has, today, become before our very eyes the maker of history. The wrath that has accumulated for thousands of years is about to cause a tremendous explosion: this explosion will shatter to bits every pillar of exploitation and out of this destruction will arise a new India, an India free from exploitation. This destruction is inevitable, no force on earth can prevent it.

The struggle that the workers, students and youths of urban areas are waging should be seen as complementary to the revolutionary peasant struggle. And, in this way, through protracted struggle, will be built the united front of the working class, the peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie. As India is not under the direct rule of imperialism, revolution must advance only along the path of class struggle, that is, through civil war. At this phase of the struggle no section of the bourgeoisie will unite with us. We may expect that when the unity of the working class and the peasantry has been achieved in the course of civil war a section of the bourgeosie will join hands with us. We shall call that section ‘the national bourgeoisie’. So today, during the Civil war, we shall receive no help from bourgeois nationalism; rather, we shall face opposition from it. At this phase of the struggle, bourgeois nationalism weakens the intensity of the struggle. So, we shall fail to carry forward thiS civil war unless we attack bourgeois nationalism. That is why we have shown scant regard for bourgeois nationalism and raised the slogan “China’s Chairman is our Chairman.” Today, revisionism is also directing its attacks on us taking its stand behind bourgeois nationalism. So, without attacking bourgeois nationalIsm we are unable to attack revisionism. That is why the students and youths are fulfilling a task that is historic.

But the students and youths should always bear in mind that they cannot preserve their revolutionary character unless they integrate themselves with workers and poor and landless peasants. They should never slacken in their struggle for integration. This integration will give them new strength and this will again raise a new high tide in the struggle. Chairman has taught us that it is not hard for one to do a bit of revolutionary work but what is very hard is to remain ever a revolutionary. The students and youths will become so only by integrating themselves with poor and landless peasants.

The students and youths have not waged this struggle in vain. It has had its impact on the working class; it has enthused the fighting peasantry in the rural areas. Today, the working class is coming forward to fight in defence of their self-respect. The strikes of the workers of the North Eastern Frontier Railways and the South-Eastern Railways mark the beginning of a new age in the history of working class struggle. They fought the strike battles not to realize any economic demand but to defend their dignity and forced the ruling class to respect it. The greater is the progress
achieved in uniting the revolutionary fighting peasantry with the workers, students and youths, the vaster will be the high tide of struggle and the newer and fresher will be the victories attained. So Chairman has said that the peasants armed struggle will inevitably strengthen the democratic movements in urban areas. These struggles of the students, youths and workers show how this prediction of his is coming true before our very eyes.

Today, in this era of inevitable collapse of imperialism, the tide of revolution will swell and swell and will lash the towns and cities of India.
Every struggle will perhaps have its own distinctive charaeter but, essentially, it will be a part of the armed peasant struggle. The Party must consciously try to integrate the workers, students and youths with the poor and landlesl peasants. It is by propagating resolutely the politics of seizure of political power among workers, students and youths that we can convince them of the necessity and significance of the struggle to create
liberated areas in the countryside and can send inspired workers, students and youths to fight shoulder to shoulder with the peasants in their armed revolutionary struggle. Only thus will arise in future the united front of the working class, the peasantry and the petty bourgeoisie.

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